Tahira Vargas
Tahira Vargas
Born in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic. Social anthropologist with a PhD in Social Anthropology and Professor of Music Education Specialist. Researcher with 16 years experience (1990-2006) in social research and evaluation of projects and social programs. Specializing in the use of Ethnographic and Qualitative Approach to Research and Evaluation. He has coordinated and participated in a total of 58 studies and investigations and 28 evaluations of projects and programs in the following topics: Education, Urban Culture, Social Movements, Poverty and marginalization, Gender, Social Networks, Migration, Health, Culture Politics, Policy Social Justice, Youth, Patterns of Sexuality and socio-environmental. It has a total of 12 published books, 7 of them as co-author and some 34 articles published in journals and national and international newspapers.
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" There is no future in our country, no jobs, no opportunities, things always go downhill. People say 'Why study - for what? Because there is no work. No matter if you have an education, there is no way forward. That's why everyone wants to leave the country. All leave the island seeking a better life. I came here (Switzerland) to see if my future was here, a future for myself and my family. "
[Comments from participants in a focus group with Dominican men
Bern, Switzerland - November 2004]
[Comments from participants in a focus group with Dominican men
Bern, Switzerland - November 2004]
.
" I came here (Switzerland) to beat and to study and improve myself. What he wants, the country gives you opportunities. "[Review of a Dominican immigrant who lived in Switzerland for more than 20 years. Zurich, Switzerland - Octubre2004]
.
"My daughter went to work (to Switzerland). Here (RD) worked and studied, but did not give him money. A friend had arranged the trip and took her to Switzerland. She got her a contract (working at a nightclub). Pope sold a lot and that might help pay for the trip to Switzerland and pay the friend who helped get the contract. Now, she keeps me (with remittance). " [Review of a Dominican mother who emigrated to Switzerland
Doña Ana (San Cristobal), Dominican Republic - April 2005]
" The first woman who went to Switzerland here (Doña Ana, RD) was the daughter of Richard Coco.
She had to 30.000 pesos to a woman who got a contract (
working at a nightclub) and he arranged the trip to go. This woman was many years ago, nearly 20 years because I was little girl when she was a child. Then they left those of Aquino who moved to San Cristobal and so did all the others .... Generally, the families sent women to Switzerland with great slaughter cows sold, sold lots, sell cars, sell what they have or make loans to send their daughters. "
[Review of a Dominican sister who went to Switzerland
Doña Ana (San Cristobal), Dominican Republic - April 2005]
.
"cabaret work is not acceptable morally, but when the women return,
are accepted because they solve problems (economic) for their families. "
[Review of a teacher in Doña Ana (San Cristobal), Dominican Republic - April 2005]
.
"The community has changed much in the way of life (remittances). There are good houses of cement, phones, cars. Many businesses have. There are rental homes in the community .... Many young people have attended college at the expense of those in Switzerland. " [Review of a community leader talking about the impacts of remittances and migration. Dona Ana (San Cristobal), Dominican Republic - April 2005]
.
"I want to be a lawyer, architect "..." I" ... "I want to be my degree in accounting "..." plan so far is to go abroad to work ... Europe, do a decent job can make a living "..." I would go to Switzerland to win my weight, if I can stay and marry and live there too .... because women are really progressing travelers. " [Comments from participants in a focus group with teenage girls Dominican Doña Ana (San Cristobal), Dominican Republic - April 2005]
" I came here (Switzerland) to beat and to study and improve myself. What he wants, the country gives you opportunities. "[Review of a Dominican immigrant who lived in Switzerland for more than 20 years. Zurich, Switzerland - Octubre2004]
.
"My daughter went to work (to Switzerland). Here (RD) worked and studied, but did not give him money. A friend had arranged the trip and took her to Switzerland. She got her a contract (working at a nightclub). Pope sold a lot and that might help pay for the trip to Switzerland and pay the friend who helped get the contract. Now, she keeps me (with remittance). " [Review of a Dominican mother who emigrated to Switzerland
Doña Ana (San Cristobal), Dominican Republic - April 2005]
" The first woman who went to Switzerland here (Doña Ana, RD) was the daughter of Richard Coco.
She had to 30.000 pesos to a woman who got a contract (
working at a nightclub) and he arranged the trip to go. This woman was many years ago, nearly 20 years because I was little girl when she was a child. Then they left those of Aquino who moved to San Cristobal and so did all the others .... Generally, the families sent women to Switzerland with great slaughter cows sold, sold lots, sell cars, sell what they have or make loans to send their daughters. "
[Review of a Dominican sister who went to Switzerland
Doña Ana (San Cristobal), Dominican Republic - April 2005]
.
"cabaret work is not acceptable morally, but when the women return,
are accepted because they solve problems (economic) for their families. "
[Review of a teacher in Doña Ana (San Cristobal), Dominican Republic - April 2005]
.
"The community has changed much in the way of life (remittances). There are good houses of cement, phones, cars. Many businesses have. There are rental homes in the community .... Many young people have attended college at the expense of those in Switzerland. " [Review of a community leader talking about the impacts of remittances and migration. Dona Ana (San Cristobal), Dominican Republic - April 2005]
.
"I want to be a lawyer, architect "..." I" ... "I want to be my degree in accounting "..." plan so far is to go abroad to work ... Europe, do a decent job can make a living "..." I would go to Switzerland to win my weight, if I can stay and marry and live there too .... because women are really progressing travelers. " [Comments from participants in a focus group with teenage girls Dominican Doña Ana (San Cristobal), Dominican Republic - April 2005]
. INTRODUCTION
E This article is a summary of some of the chapters that are part of the book: "Dominicans in Switzerland. Guidelines, practices and impacts transnational migration and remittances linking Dominican Republic and Switzerland ", which in turn results from the study by Tahira Vargas and Jennifer Petree on Dominican migration to Switzerland for the EPFL in Lausanne, Switzerland.
assertions underpinning this article are the result of an empirical study year documentary evidence, practices and impact of transnational migration of Dominicans to Switzerland during the decade from 1980 to 2005. Besides dealing with a special focus on economic resources sending the Dominicans in Switzerland, and their use and impact on the Dominican immigrant community. This study is an original contribution to the small but growing literature documentary about the current Latin American migration to Europe and particularly, Switzerland.
In recent decades a growing number of Latin American, African, Asian and Eastern European citizens have emigrated in search of economic opportunities and improved quality of life. The increasing migration to Europe has generated intense debate at national and regional level between citizens and political leaders, debates that have attracted media and fueled public protests. Despite their competitive nature, new immigrants play an important role undoubtedly filling a gap labor market and helping and counteract the negative trend of population growth on the European continent. The population specialists predict that this migration trend will continue for many years and suggest that the safest way to counter depopulation in Europe is to open the doors even wider to migration (Le Temps, July 21, 2005). Similarly, the growing terrorist threat and the migration is to cultural norms, social systems, wages and employment, continue to generate fear among some Europeans.
In migrant-sending countries, the absence created by migration is being felt in human capital loss and fragmentation of families, and improving basic living standards as a result of the money that migrants sent home from abroad. At the individual level, the migration experience often means restructuring patterns of marriage and family, work, social and economic status, gender roles, language, education and future dreams. What contemporary migration does not necessarily mean the abandonment of a life to change it. Los (as) today's immigrants have the opportunity and the challenge of building their lives among and within different locations. BACKGROUND
AND CONTEXT
Migration from the Dominican Republic to Switzerland began in the 1980s when the country suffered an economic crisis characterized by a weak economy and volatile. A period of two years of severe economic depression brought high inflation and rapid currency devaluation, unmanageable debt and consumer prices to rise, electricity cuts, trade deficits and food riots. It was under these very difficult conditions that Dominican migration took root.
addition of large numbers of Dominicans coming to New York, emerged new patterns of migration to Europe particularly Dominicans who could not meet the entry requirements increasingly stringent U.S. or who had no relatives in the United States could sponsor their migration .. Through the 1980s and 1990s, the Dominicans and Dominicans found a way to reach Spain, Italy, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Austria, Germany, Belgium and Greece where they found work and established new social networks and corporations.
One factor that influenced the growth of Dominican migration to Europe was the development of the tourism industry, particularly sex tourism in the Dominican Republic, bringing large numbers middle-class Europeans to the island each year, including approximately 40,000 francs (Interview with the Dominican Embassy in Bern). This transatlantic tourism led to a large number of marriages with European Dominicans and Europeans. In turn, these unions led to the establishment of transnational social networks that other Dominicans have been used for immigration purposes in subsequent years. (Lilon and Lantigua, 2004) Along with marriage migration, this bi-continental tourism has also played an important role in the history of labor migration of Dominicans to Switzerland, provided by a network of men and women who have recruited thousands of Dominicans to work nightclubs.
Swiss immigration policy towards Dominicans also been an important factor in attracting migration. Until the mid-1990s, the Dominicans and Dominicans did not need a visa to enter Switzerland as tourists, a policy that helped to facilitate the arrival of large numbers of Dominicans, on the pretext of visiting a sister, a daughter, a cousin or a friend already in the country. Some (as) Dominicans (as) used this route of entry as their initial strategy of migration and remain in Switzerland after the expiration of the tourist season. It was this combination of an open policy of legal opportunities widely tourism assisted in the marriage or labor migration for allowing exotic dance of Dominican migration to take root in Switzerland.
In the late 1990s, when the Swiss government began requiring citizens (as) Dominicans (as) to obtain a visa for tourist visits, and significantly increased the visa requirements, tourism to the Dominican Republic Switzerland began to dissipate. Today, the Dominican population growth in Switzerland is mainly driven by a vibrant transatlantic marriage market and an influx of young born (as) Dominicans (as) joining their mothers and fathers who have established legal residence temporarily or permanently in Switzerland. The emergence of second generation Dominicans (as) in Switzerland, many (as) of (as) which are the offspring of bicultural marriages established in the 1980s and 1990s, a new trend is also important and complex.
Part I:
E This article is a summary of some of the chapters that are part of the book: "Dominicans in Switzerland. Guidelines, practices and impacts transnational migration and remittances linking Dominican Republic and Switzerland ", which in turn results from the study by Tahira Vargas and Jennifer Petree on Dominican migration to Switzerland for the EPFL in Lausanne, Switzerland.
assertions underpinning this article are the result of an empirical study year documentary evidence, practices and impact of transnational migration of Dominicans to Switzerland during the decade from 1980 to 2005. Besides dealing with a special focus on economic resources sending the Dominicans in Switzerland, and their use and impact on the Dominican immigrant community. This study is an original contribution to the small but growing literature documentary about the current Latin American migration to Europe and particularly, Switzerland.
In recent decades a growing number of Latin American, African, Asian and Eastern European citizens have emigrated in search of economic opportunities and improved quality of life. The increasing migration to Europe has generated intense debate at national and regional level between citizens and political leaders, debates that have attracted media and fueled public protests. Despite their competitive nature, new immigrants play an important role undoubtedly filling a gap labor market and helping and counteract the negative trend of population growth on the European continent. The population specialists predict that this migration trend will continue for many years and suggest that the safest way to counter depopulation in Europe is to open the doors even wider to migration (Le Temps, July 21, 2005). Similarly, the growing terrorist threat and the migration is to cultural norms, social systems, wages and employment, continue to generate fear among some Europeans.
In migrant-sending countries, the absence created by migration is being felt in human capital loss and fragmentation of families, and improving basic living standards as a result of the money that migrants sent home from abroad. At the individual level, the migration experience often means restructuring patterns of marriage and family, work, social and economic status, gender roles, language, education and future dreams. What contemporary migration does not necessarily mean the abandonment of a life to change it. Los (as) today's immigrants have the opportunity and the challenge of building their lives among and within different locations. BACKGROUND
AND CONTEXT
Migration from the Dominican Republic to Switzerland began in the 1980s when the country suffered an economic crisis characterized by a weak economy and volatile. A period of two years of severe economic depression brought high inflation and rapid currency devaluation, unmanageable debt and consumer prices to rise, electricity cuts, trade deficits and food riots. It was under these very difficult conditions that Dominican migration took root.
addition of large numbers of Dominicans coming to New York, emerged new patterns of migration to Europe particularly Dominicans who could not meet the entry requirements increasingly stringent U.S. or who had no relatives in the United States could sponsor their migration .. Through the 1980s and 1990s, the Dominicans and Dominicans found a way to reach Spain, Italy, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Austria, Germany, Belgium and Greece where they found work and established new social networks and corporations.
One factor that influenced the growth of Dominican migration to Europe was the development of the tourism industry, particularly sex tourism in the Dominican Republic, bringing large numbers middle-class Europeans to the island each year, including approximately 40,000 francs (Interview with the Dominican Embassy in Bern). This transatlantic tourism led to a large number of marriages with European Dominicans and Europeans. In turn, these unions led to the establishment of transnational social networks that other Dominicans have been used for immigration purposes in subsequent years. (Lilon and Lantigua, 2004) Along with marriage migration, this bi-continental tourism has also played an important role in the history of labor migration of Dominicans to Switzerland, provided by a network of men and women who have recruited thousands of Dominicans to work nightclubs.
Swiss immigration policy towards Dominicans also been an important factor in attracting migration. Until the mid-1990s, the Dominicans and Dominicans did not need a visa to enter Switzerland as tourists, a policy that helped to facilitate the arrival of large numbers of Dominicans, on the pretext of visiting a sister, a daughter, a cousin or a friend already in the country. Some (as) Dominicans (as) used this route of entry as their initial strategy of migration and remain in Switzerland after the expiration of the tourist season. It was this combination of an open policy of legal opportunities widely tourism assisted in the marriage or labor migration for allowing exotic dance of Dominican migration to take root in Switzerland.
In the late 1990s, when the Swiss government began requiring citizens (as) Dominicans (as) to obtain a visa for tourist visits, and significantly increased the visa requirements, tourism to the Dominican Republic Switzerland began to dissipate. Today, the Dominican population growth in Switzerland is mainly driven by a vibrant transatlantic marriage market and an influx of young born (as) Dominicans (as) joining their mothers and fathers who have established legal residence temporarily or permanently in Switzerland. The emergence of second generation Dominicans (as) in Switzerland, many (as) of (as) which are the offspring of bicultural marriages established in the 1980s and 1990s, a new trend is also important and complex.
Part I:
A PROFILE OF THE SWISS Dominicans
In December 2003, a total of 5.249 Dominicans (as) was registered as living in Switzerland. When this figure is combined with the Dominicans 1.387 (as) they have obtained Swiss citizenship since 1990, (as) Dominicans (as) illegal (as) (estimated at no more than 500 people) and a small but growing number of Dominicans (as) the second generation born (as) parents who are bi and Swiss nationality by birth, the total Dominican population in Switzerland - estimated - is about 8.000 people. This makes it likely that the Dominican community in Switzerland is the 3rd. largest in Europe after Spain and Italy. (Los (as) Dominicans (as) in Spain were estimated (as) by the English National Statistics Institute in 45.000 in 2003, The Dominican population in Italy estimated by the IOM in 11,400 in 2000)
growth of the Dominican population in Switzerland 1990-2003 (Excluding those with Swiss citizenship)
Source: Swiss Federal Office of Immigration, Integration and Emigration, 2003 Statistics on Foreign
Dominican migration to Switzerland has experienced three waves. The first group, the founders, came between 1977, the first known case, and 1991. The second wave of migrants arrived during the busiest period of 1992 to 1998. The third wave began in 1999 and continues today. Additionally, two groups of Dominicans (as) young people - a 1.5-generation Dominicans (as) who arrived as children (as) after migration their mothers, and the emerging second generation of Dominicans (ren) born (as) in Switzerland mainly binational parents. Is the growth of this new generation which is replacing the diminished migration from abroad.
Dominican migration to Switzerland began and remains a largely female phenomenon, reflecting the pattern of flows to other European countries Dominicans. This shows the migration opportunities available to the (as) Dominicans (as) in the Swiss context. Marriage to a Swiss citizen or resident or a job as a cabaret dancer, primarily female roles have been the main door of the migration strategies Dominican women from the beginning. However, in subsequent years, the percentage of Dominicans (male population) coming to Switzerland is likely to increase as a percentage of the aggregate number of migration to the extent that the growing number of Dominican women who emigrated to Switzerland in the 1990s obtained permanent residence making it easier to sponsor male relatives.
addition to size and age, another important demographic factor that emerges from this study is the slow but steady growth of the quota (as) Dominicans (as) in Switzerland under the age of 20. These are (as) children (as) Dominicans (as) born (as) of (as) immigrants living in Switzerland and also (as) born (as) in the Dominican Republic, but who joined their older relatives in Switzerland as a youth. When the growing number of young Dominican-Swiss, those who have Swiss nationality by birth or naturalization, is further considered, the total number of young Dominicans increases to between 2.000 and 2.500, representing about 30% of all migrants.
In terms of geographical origins, the (as) Dominican (as) interviewed (as) came to Switzerland from a variety of places, with the most significant flows coming from the urban neighborhoods of Santo Domingo, Santiago - the second area largest urban nation's largest industrial province of San Cristobal, just one hour southwest of the capital, the most rural area of La Vega, and the small town of Higuey in the southeast quadrant. There is a clear trend of migration from urban areas, however, senders communities linked to Switzerland can be found all over the country. Regardless of where it comes from the vast majority of (as) Dominicans (as) migrants over 70% of (as) respondents (as), come from families "poor" or "very poor" with low levels of formal education and parental very large families.
When (as) Dominicans (ren) reach Switzerland, Zurich is by far the most popular receiving area, home to 30% of all (as) the (as) Dominicans (as) in Switzerland. The Canton of Ticino is the second largest, and the major tertiary cities include: Basel, Bern, Aargau and Geneva. The information collected about undocumented Dominicans suggests that Geneva and Ticino has a good chance of having even a Dominican populations greater than those shown in the official figures, because these areas are very close to the borders of France and Italy and are common receptor sites undocumented immigrants who illegally enter and become established. Additionally, our research points to some clear connections between them few points senders and receivers. Los (as) Dominicans (as) from Higuey usually going to get to Geneva, while Zurich and Canton of Ticino receive large amounts of Dominicans in Santiago, La Vega and San Cristobal.
The table below shows the most common patterns of entry. The most common is to obtain a tourist visa and then over time, legal residence and work permit with a permit B (one year, renewable) or C permit (green card), usually obtained through marriage to a Swiss citizen or permanent resident. Another common pattern is the entry with a Permit L (the work permit short-term), mainly for use in the cabaret, and then the acquisition of a permit B and then C through marriage.
Patterns of change of legal status reported.
Source: Individual interviews
input status ...... Intermediate steps ...... Current Status ...... Cases (25 total) .... %
Tourist Visa ...... ..... Permit B, C or L. .. Citizenship ..... ................. ............. 4 4%
....... Tourist Visa .... Permit B, C or L. .. Permit B or C. ..... .......... 7 .................. 28%
Tourist Visa ..... .. Undocumented .... ...... ..... Permit B, C or L. ...... 1 ................... 4% Tourist Visa
....... Undocumented .... B or C. .. Citizenship ............... 1 ................... 4%
Permit B, C or L. ... Permit B or C. .... .......... . Citizenship .................. 20% ............... 5
Permit B, C or L. ... Undocumented ........... .... Permit B, C or L. ....... 1 ................ .. 4%
Permit B, C or L. ... Permit B or C. .... .......... . Permit B or C. ........... 4 .................. 16%
No visa or permit ... Undocumented Undocumented ........... ........ .. 1 ................ .. 4%
Among
(as) Dominicans (as) in place (as) legally in Switzerland, 40% are citizens (as) Switzerland (as) who maintain dual citizenship, mostly women, and all the rest (56 %) Enjoy legal status of residence. The information collected from migrants and key informants did not reveal a significant number of Dominicans (as) illegal (as) in Switzerland. It is likely that the largest number of undocumented migrants were present in the early and mid-1990s when more open immigration policies allowed them to easily enter Switzerland as tourists and staying beyond the legal period.
Part II:
Dominican migration to Switzerland began and remains a largely female phenomenon, reflecting the pattern of flows to other European countries Dominicans. This shows the migration opportunities available to the (as) Dominicans (as) in the Swiss context. Marriage to a Swiss citizen or resident or a job as a cabaret dancer, primarily female roles have been the main door of the migration strategies Dominican women from the beginning. However, in subsequent years, the percentage of Dominicans (male population) coming to Switzerland is likely to increase as a percentage of the aggregate number of migration to the extent that the growing number of Dominican women who emigrated to Switzerland in the 1990s obtained permanent residence making it easier to sponsor male relatives.
addition to size and age, another important demographic factor that emerges from this study is the slow but steady growth of the quota (as) Dominicans (as) in Switzerland under the age of 20. These are (as) children (as) Dominicans (as) born (as) of (as) immigrants living in Switzerland and also (as) born (as) in the Dominican Republic, but who joined their older relatives in Switzerland as a youth. When the growing number of young Dominican-Swiss, those who have Swiss nationality by birth or naturalization, is further considered, the total number of young Dominicans increases to between 2.000 and 2.500, representing about 30% of all migrants.
In terms of geographical origins, the (as) Dominican (as) interviewed (as) came to Switzerland from a variety of places, with the most significant flows coming from the urban neighborhoods of Santo Domingo, Santiago - the second area largest urban nation's largest industrial province of San Cristobal, just one hour southwest of the capital, the most rural area of La Vega, and the small town of Higuey in the southeast quadrant. There is a clear trend of migration from urban areas, however, senders communities linked to Switzerland can be found all over the country. Regardless of where it comes from the vast majority of (as) Dominicans (as) migrants over 70% of (as) respondents (as), come from families "poor" or "very poor" with low levels of formal education and parental very large families.
When (as) Dominicans (ren) reach Switzerland, Zurich is by far the most popular receiving area, home to 30% of all (as) the (as) Dominicans (as) in Switzerland. The Canton of Ticino is the second largest, and the major tertiary cities include: Basel, Bern, Aargau and Geneva. The information collected about undocumented Dominicans suggests that Geneva and Ticino has a good chance of having even a Dominican populations greater than those shown in the official figures, because these areas are very close to the borders of France and Italy and are common receptor sites undocumented immigrants who illegally enter and become established. Additionally, our research points to some clear connections between them few points senders and receivers. Los (as) Dominicans (as) from Higuey usually going to get to Geneva, while Zurich and Canton of Ticino receive large amounts of Dominicans in Santiago, La Vega and San Cristobal.
The table below shows the most common patterns of entry. The most common is to obtain a tourist visa and then over time, legal residence and work permit with a permit B (one year, renewable) or C permit (green card), usually obtained through marriage to a Swiss citizen or permanent resident. Another common pattern is the entry with a Permit L (the work permit short-term), mainly for use in the cabaret, and then the acquisition of a permit B and then C through marriage.
Patterns of change of legal status reported.
Source: Individual interviews
input status ...... Intermediate steps ...... Current Status ...... Cases (25 total) .... %
Tourist Visa ...... ..... Permit B, C or L. .. Citizenship ..... ................. ............. 4 4%
....... Tourist Visa .... Permit B, C or L. .. Permit B or C. ..... .......... 7 .................. 28%
Tourist Visa ..... .. Undocumented .... ...... ..... Permit B, C or L. ...... 1 ................... 4% Tourist Visa
....... Undocumented .... B or C. .. Citizenship ............... 1 ................... 4%
Permit B, C or L. ... Permit B or C. .... .......... . Citizenship .................. 20% ............... 5
Permit B, C or L. ... Undocumented ........... .... Permit B, C or L. ....... 1 ................ .. 4%
Permit B, C or L. ... Permit B or C. .... .......... . Permit B or C. ........... 4 .................. 16%
No visa or permit ... Undocumented Undocumented ........... ........ .. 1 ................ .. 4%
Among
(as) Dominicans (as) in place (as) legally in Switzerland, 40% are citizens (as) Switzerland (as) who maintain dual citizenship, mostly women, and all the rest (56 %) Enjoy legal status of residence. The information collected from migrants and key informants did not reveal a significant number of Dominicans (as) illegal (as) in Switzerland. It is likely that the largest number of undocumented migrants were present in the early and mid-1990s when more open immigration policies allowed them to easily enter Switzerland as tourists and staying beyond the legal period.
Part II:
MIGRATION PROCESS OF A SWISS Dominicans
Migration is a pattern of life and the dream has become an important part of the population in the Republic DR. As you raise some authors, migration is a complex phenomenon, but even more complex are the factors that affect migration and the processes involved in the actual migration. (Portes and Börock, 1996) "Migration movements arise from a series of rational economic decisions of individuals to leave their immediate situation, their true origin lies in the history of economic and political contacts as well as power asymmetries between sending and receiving nations. "In the case of Dominicans in Switzerland, the migration process has been marked by leaving the country for economic reasons but with strategies based on social relations and primary, especially with a large burden of informal social networks.
The graph below is an overview of the primary routes of migration of Dominicans who came to Switzerland in the last 25 years. The first generation of Dominicans who migrated to Switzerland left the country under a contract of dancers. Were inserted in the Swiss society and attract other women and then men through social networks to augment the population. Dancers contracts as a strategy for migration are reported by 32% [i] of respondents. Another way of arrival in Switzerland is the "under marriage, 44% of women and 47% of men have used this way. A third group is coming for family reunification, the more weight is found in men, 32% in women, 12%. To a lesser degree are the people who come on tourist and then inserted into work, they represent 8% of women and 16% in men.
Migration is a pattern of life and the dream has become an important part of the population in the Republic DR. As you raise some authors, migration is a complex phenomenon, but even more complex are the factors that affect migration and the processes involved in the actual migration. (Portes and Börock, 1996) "Migration movements arise from a series of rational economic decisions of individuals to leave their immediate situation, their true origin lies in the history of economic and political contacts as well as power asymmetries between sending and receiving nations. "In the case of Dominicans in Switzerland, the migration process has been marked by leaving the country for economic reasons but with strategies based on social relations and primary, especially with a large burden of informal social networks.
The graph below is an overview of the primary routes of migration of Dominicans who came to Switzerland in the last 25 years. The first generation of Dominicans who migrated to Switzerland left the country under a contract of dancers. Were inserted in the Swiss society and attract other women and then men through social networks to augment the population. Dancers contracts as a strategy for migration are reported by 32% [i] of respondents. Another way of arrival in Switzerland is the "under marriage, 44% of women and 47% of men have used this way. A third group is coming for family reunification, the more weight is found in men, 32% in women, 12%. To a lesser degree are the people who come on tourist and then inserted into work, they represent 8% of women and 16% in men.
[i] probably among the women interviewed the number of dancers was higher, but we found that some women falsified information on his arrival by not recognizing that came with dancers contracts, then dialogues Informal data hidden by the informants were transparent and some of her friends.
Dances "Switzerland is the only country in Europe to issue a specific artist visa cabaret dancer, permit L, which clarifies "The person dance during the musical, part or predominantly of shedding his clothes .... This residence and work authorization can not be extended beyond 8 months" (Swissinfo.URL: ww.swissinfo.org / ses / swiisinfo.html).
Dances "Switzerland is the only country in Europe to issue a specific artist visa cabaret dancer, permit L, which clarifies "The person dance during the musical, part or predominantly of shedding his clothes .... This residence and work authorization can not be extended beyond 8 months" (Swissinfo.URL: ww.swissinfo.org / ses / swiisinfo.html).
In 2003, according to the Federal Statistics Office in Switzerland, the Dominicans were the third group identified as important quantitative weight has obtained permission L in Switzerland. The migratory pattern, but has been affected in recent years by changes that have occurred in the demands of the cabarets which have tended toward a greater flow of migrants from Eastern Europe over the past 5 years. One consequence of the reduction of this demand has been the increase in contracts through informal social networks of primary relationships with women created in Switzerland and established connections and agreements with employers as well as networks trafficking in women, according to our informants, in many cases a system of deception and creating false documents.
contracts for dancers are obtained through networks of friends and relatives who are legally working in a nightclub or bar "and come to agreements with business owners that they" do "contracts to their friends or family ( sisters, cousins, nieces), often being the costs of these papers and procedures are solved by borrowing from those already in Switzerland to those who want to emigrate. Women who have come as exotic dancers, over time, shift work and resort activity to various mechanisms to extend their legal residence status in Switzerland. Marriage is often the most common of these outputs. Others have resorted, after spending a season in undocumented status, work in service areas of hotels, restaurants, care homes, shops, and some in his own business: restaurants, beauty salons, beauty and cosmetics. But it is also reported as one of the possibilities that some women have engaged in prostitution activities, sometimes disguised by massages at home. The practice of prostitution also underlies some cases of women who "officially" engaged in exotic dance. Some of the women engaged in this activity. Marriage Arrangements
Marriage has a meaning of "bridge" or "track" arrival in Switzerland for most women and men interviewed. 80% of respondents were married, most of them Swiss citizens or persons with permanent residence. For most (as) Dominicans (as) in Switzerland is the only way of obtaining legal resident status. Changes in the laws relating to marriage have affected the acquisition of citizenship by the Swiss (as) Dominicans (as). To an extent Dominicans and Dominican women could marry a Swiss nationality obtained immediately. Now the process is much longer. Los (as) Dominicans (as) now require annual residence permit for a minimum of 5 years before obtaining permanent residence and for freedom to live and work in Switzerland without being linked (as) to a spouse or other legal resident. Discussions with
Dominicans reveal the presence of two types of marriages or arranged marriages that may be implicit or explicit. The interview data show that through family networks marriage agreements are negotiated to facilitate the entry of Dominicans to Switzerland. The exchange of shots between Dominicans and Swiss francs, or between Dominican and are common. A member of the family already resident or citizen of Switzerland is made between the parties, exchanged pictures and started the process of arranged marriage. Same goes with networks of friends. Those already living in Switzerland tend to finance the trip of the candidate for marriage, on loan. In cases where the marriage is a "fix" business, the party making the representations in Switzerland usually charge for their services. The desire or need for emigration by those from DR opt for this output, allows the "service" can be valued by an amount money. Both the intermediary is paid as a resident or citizen who agrees to marry to facilitate immigration. This aspect of explicit business usually hidden by the interviewees, but has since emerged in some of the interviews.
Given these characteristics of marriages and immigration strategy usually present different types of relationships between couples resulting from these unions. Thus, we have situations where the two people who were married there is little communication and interaction, because the lack of knowledge of either party the other's language, the exchange is limited to the non-verbal. It is also common to find married couples with pairs coexist parallel in one or two members of the relationship. The other participant in the relationship may reside in both Switzerland and RD. The sequence of divorce and marriage is another frequently, among those interviewed were men who have been married or have had up to four couples.
Family Reunion "Family reunification is a legal concept used by the Swiss authorities to grant visas to sons and daughters of Dominicans residing in Switzerland. Several of the young men and women interviewed (as) stress that came to Switzerland because their mothers (all were through their mothers) had several years living in the country and "asked" to come to Switzerland to live. Family reunification has been the strategy for both the entry of young children and older age groups, but always less than 18 years. In the case of the first adaptation to the host country culture and the subsequent labor market was much easier than for those who arrived with ages over 15 years. One factor that facilitates this process is learning the language and integration into school life. A noteworthy aspect is that family reunification has been a strategy used by male migrants, which have been requested by their mothers, sisters or cousins.
Inserción Laboral de las Personas Migrantes
En el proceso migratorio, luego de establecerse legalmente, el segundo paso es la inserción laboral. The most common work activities are often the cleaning service, restaurants, care homes, and among women, the dancer in cabarets. Like other immigrant groups the (as) Dominicans (as) who developed professional activities in their home country have had difficulty or impossibility of continuing these activities in Switzerland, either because their skills or professional qualification is not recognized Switzerland or because even when they have been recognized that classification, job placement professional it has not been readily available. Interviews reveal
progressive working patterns according to the processes of knowledge and proficiency. We also found the presence of the "black work, low pay informal work or low estimates developed by aliens, is a predominantly male condition. Almost all male respondents, except those who came to Switzerland as children or adolescents have had to carry "black work" in the cleaning, cooling and agriculture. In the case of women informal work commonly focuses on domestic work or prostitution. SIT records, which is a labor union in Geneva that promotes the rights of the (as) employees (as) illegal (as) in this city, shows similar patterns. Their records confirm the fact that a significant number of undocumented bit (as) Dominicans (as) lived and worked in Switzerland (estimates of around 500 people) The condition of Dominicans in Switzerland is a rare event in the migration patterns other Latin American immigrant groups in Switzerland or Dominicans migrants in other parts of Europe as in the case of Spain. (LiIon and Lantigua, 2004)
Part III:
contracts for dancers are obtained through networks of friends and relatives who are legally working in a nightclub or bar "and come to agreements with business owners that they" do "contracts to their friends or family ( sisters, cousins, nieces), often being the costs of these papers and procedures are solved by borrowing from those already in Switzerland to those who want to emigrate. Women who have come as exotic dancers, over time, shift work and resort activity to various mechanisms to extend their legal residence status in Switzerland. Marriage is often the most common of these outputs. Others have resorted, after spending a season in undocumented status, work in service areas of hotels, restaurants, care homes, shops, and some in his own business: restaurants, beauty salons, beauty and cosmetics. But it is also reported as one of the possibilities that some women have engaged in prostitution activities, sometimes disguised by massages at home. The practice of prostitution also underlies some cases of women who "officially" engaged in exotic dance. Some of the women engaged in this activity. Marriage Arrangements
Marriage has a meaning of "bridge" or "track" arrival in Switzerland for most women and men interviewed. 80% of respondents were married, most of them Swiss citizens or persons with permanent residence. For most (as) Dominicans (as) in Switzerland is the only way of obtaining legal resident status. Changes in the laws relating to marriage have affected the acquisition of citizenship by the Swiss (as) Dominicans (as). To an extent Dominicans and Dominican women could marry a Swiss nationality obtained immediately. Now the process is much longer. Los (as) Dominicans (as) now require annual residence permit for a minimum of 5 years before obtaining permanent residence and for freedom to live and work in Switzerland without being linked (as) to a spouse or other legal resident. Discussions with
Dominicans reveal the presence of two types of marriages or arranged marriages that may be implicit or explicit. The interview data show that through family networks marriage agreements are negotiated to facilitate the entry of Dominicans to Switzerland. The exchange of shots between Dominicans and Swiss francs, or between Dominican and are common. A member of the family already resident or citizen of Switzerland is made between the parties, exchanged pictures and started the process of arranged marriage. Same goes with networks of friends. Those already living in Switzerland tend to finance the trip of the candidate for marriage, on loan. In cases where the marriage is a "fix" business, the party making the representations in Switzerland usually charge for their services. The desire or need for emigration by those from DR opt for this output, allows the "service" can be valued by an amount money. Both the intermediary is paid as a resident or citizen who agrees to marry to facilitate immigration. This aspect of explicit business usually hidden by the interviewees, but has since emerged in some of the interviews.
Given these characteristics of marriages and immigration strategy usually present different types of relationships between couples resulting from these unions. Thus, we have situations where the two people who were married there is little communication and interaction, because the lack of knowledge of either party the other's language, the exchange is limited to the non-verbal. It is also common to find married couples with pairs coexist parallel in one or two members of the relationship. The other participant in the relationship may reside in both Switzerland and RD. The sequence of divorce and marriage is another frequently, among those interviewed were men who have been married or have had up to four couples.
Family Reunion "Family reunification is a legal concept used by the Swiss authorities to grant visas to sons and daughters of Dominicans residing in Switzerland. Several of the young men and women interviewed (as) stress that came to Switzerland because their mothers (all were through their mothers) had several years living in the country and "asked" to come to Switzerland to live. Family reunification has been the strategy for both the entry of young children and older age groups, but always less than 18 years. In the case of the first adaptation to the host country culture and the subsequent labor market was much easier than for those who arrived with ages over 15 years. One factor that facilitates this process is learning the language and integration into school life. A noteworthy aspect is that family reunification has been a strategy used by male migrants, which have been requested by their mothers, sisters or cousins.
Inserción Laboral de las Personas Migrantes
En el proceso migratorio, luego de establecerse legalmente, el segundo paso es la inserción laboral. The most common work activities are often the cleaning service, restaurants, care homes, and among women, the dancer in cabarets. Like other immigrant groups the (as) Dominicans (as) who developed professional activities in their home country have had difficulty or impossibility of continuing these activities in Switzerland, either because their skills or professional qualification is not recognized Switzerland or because even when they have been recognized that classification, job placement professional it has not been readily available. Interviews reveal
progressive working patterns according to the processes of knowledge and proficiency. We also found the presence of the "black work, low pay informal work or low estimates developed by aliens, is a predominantly male condition. Almost all male respondents, except those who came to Switzerland as children or adolescents have had to carry "black work" in the cleaning, cooling and agriculture. In the case of women informal work commonly focuses on domestic work or prostitution. SIT records, which is a labor union in Geneva that promotes the rights of the (as) employees (as) illegal (as) in this city, shows similar patterns. Their records confirm the fact that a significant number of undocumented bit (as) Dominicans (as) lived and worked in Switzerland (estimates of around 500 people) The condition of Dominicans in Switzerland is a rare event in the migration patterns other Latin American immigrant groups in Switzerland or Dominicans migrants in other parts of Europe as in the case of Spain. (LiIon and Lantigua, 2004)
Part III:
TRANSNATIONAL PRACTICES The
practices transnational cover all spheres of social action. These can be separated for analytical purposes into three different fields of social action: economic, political and socio-cultural. (Itzigsohn, 2002)
The following paragraphs present a discussion of transnational economic practices more common among Dominicans (as) in Swiss-remittance-followed by a sample of the socio-cultural dimensions of its commitment to crime. "The sociocultural transnationalism concerns transnational links involving the recreation of a sense of community that includes immigrants and people in the place of origin. To transnationalism sociocultural concerned about the emergence of practices of sociability, mutual aid and public rituals rooted in the cultural universe concerns the sense of belonging and social obligations of immigrants. " (Itzigohn, 2002)
Remittances and Investment
Of all the practices which link transnational migrants living abroad with their families and their communities of origin, remittances are one of the most widespread and has become the most visible evidence and the mechanism mediating the ties that bind (as) migrants with their societies of origin (Guarnizo, 2003). "Remittances" economy are sums of money that (as) migrants earn abroad and send to their countries of origin, usually to help sustain the basic needs of family members. In just two decades, remittances have rapidly become a major source of income for many migrant sending countries, including the Dominican Republic. In 2003, remittances to the Dominican Republic were $ 2.3 billion, the Dominican Republic has become the fourth country in the remittance market in Latin America and the Caribbean after Mexico, Brazil and Colombia (IADB, 2004). According to the Dominican Central Bank, 13% of these remittances come from Europe. Approximately $ 25 million dollars comes to Dominican Republic from Switzerland, putting Switzerland in third place among European countries senders after Spain and Italy. Distribution
Remittances to Dominican Republic by country of origin-2003.
Source: Central Bank of the Dominican Republic. April 2003
....................% Shipping Country Total Remittance to Dear RD ... Total ($ 2.3 billion)
practices transnational cover all spheres of social action. These can be separated for analytical purposes into three different fields of social action: economic, political and socio-cultural. (Itzigsohn, 2002)
The following paragraphs present a discussion of transnational economic practices more common among Dominicans (as) in Swiss-remittance-followed by a sample of the socio-cultural dimensions of its commitment to crime. "The sociocultural transnationalism concerns transnational links involving the recreation of a sense of community that includes immigrants and people in the place of origin. To transnationalism sociocultural concerned about the emergence of practices of sociability, mutual aid and public rituals rooted in the cultural universe concerns the sense of belonging and social obligations of immigrants. " (Itzigohn, 2002)
Remittances and Investment
Of all the practices which link transnational migrants living abroad with their families and their communities of origin, remittances are one of the most widespread and has become the most visible evidence and the mechanism mediating the ties that bind (as) migrants with their societies of origin (Guarnizo, 2003). "Remittances" economy are sums of money that (as) migrants earn abroad and send to their countries of origin, usually to help sustain the basic needs of family members. In just two decades, remittances have rapidly become a major source of income for many migrant sending countries, including the Dominican Republic. In 2003, remittances to the Dominican Republic were $ 2.3 billion, the Dominican Republic has become the fourth country in the remittance market in Latin America and the Caribbean after Mexico, Brazil and Colombia (IADB, 2004). According to the Dominican Central Bank, 13% of these remittances come from Europe. Approximately $ 25 million dollars comes to Dominican Republic from Switzerland, putting Switzerland in third place among European countries senders after Spain and Italy. Distribution
Remittances to Dominican Republic by country of origin-2003.
Source: Central Bank of the Dominican Republic. April 2003
....................% Shipping Country Total Remittance to Dear RD ... Total ($ 2.3 billion)
United States ...... .78.7 %.................................. $ 1.81 billion
Puerto Rico ........................ 6.7 %................................... $ 154 million 6.1 %..............
Spain .............................. ......................$ 140 million
Italy ............. ................................ 3.1% .......................$ 71 million Swiss
....................... ........ 1.1% ....................................$
Another 25 million ................................ ................ 4.5%
...................$ 104 million
In 2004, the report of the Inter-American Development Bank, remittances to the Dominican Republic were $ 2.7 billion reflecting a significant growth in remittance flows from Europe. (IADB, 2004). More specifically the report shows that in 2004, 30% of remittances sent to DR, a total of $ 815 million, comes from Europe, indicating a remarkable leap in remittance flows to the region. . We
historical analysis of the specific case of growth of remittances from Switzerland Dominican Remittances from Switzerland began with the first wave of Dominican migrants (as) in the 1980s, but the formal remittance business intertwining Switzerland and the Dominican Republic was not established until the 1990s when a Dominican man of La Vega started the first company of remittances in Zurich. In 2001, Western Union, together with the postal and railway company in Switzerland, began more expanded services for remittances (as) Dominicans (as) living in Switzerland. That same year, a small local utility company phone entered the Swiss market for remittances in Zurich, offering affordable rates and on-site still live in the Dominican Republic. This combination of affordability and home insurance service quickly made them a popular choice for shippers Dominicans in Switzerland.
Data collected from 45 Dominicans in Switzerland, as well as officers of remittance companies in Zurich and Santo Domingo, helped build an initial profile of remittance patterns of Switzerland to the Dominican Republic. 69% of those interviewed knew of sending remittances to family members in the DR, either on a monthly basis and / or for emergencies or times special or the beginning of a new school. Among all (as) the (as) senders, the majority (70%) are women, reflecting the current gender balance of the Dominican population in Switzerland.
Perhaps the most significant and important on remittances from Switzerland is its size. The interview data show that (as) Dominicans (as) individually sent an average of 500 CHF (approximately U.S. $ 400) to their country each month. A Swiss owned company that average remittances placed even higher, at 700 CHF (approximately U.S. $ 550). In either case, these figures indicate that average monthly remittances of Dominicans in Switzerland is higher than those sent by Dominicans (ren) living elsewhere in the world. The reasons for these high figures may include: high wages, stable employment, and / or the growing strength of the Swiss franc. The strength of these flows is also reflected in the fact that Switzerland is the fifth largest sender of remittances in the world after the United States, Saudi Arabia, Germany and Belgium. (Prudential, 2004)
Remittances from Switzerland to the Dominican Republic most commonly come to the capital city, San Cristobal, Santiago and La Vega, the same areas that have been found as major senders regions linked to migration Switzerland. Los (as) receptors (as) are most often the mother of migrants, although (as) brothers (as) and (as) children (as) are also receivers (as) very common. 60% of respondents stated that the receiver (a) remittances live exclusively on remittances, with most cases being dependent on remittances from migrant mothers or children (as) left in RD
Similar
the majority of referral patterns, Dominican remittances from Switzerland are more commonly used to buy food for the family. Medication and health care costs are also frequently reported, followed by a variety of household expenses such as water, electricity, telephone or rental, as well as gasoline and school supplies for the (as) children (as). As remittances are used mostly for basic needs, not surprising that only 17% of respondents who gave accounts of some of its transmission is used as a source of savings for their relatives.
When asked what they would do with your cash if needed remittance sent home, the vast majority of migrants said they would save money or invest in a home, land or business in the Dominican Republic. In fact, 30% reported as an investment and among others, plans to spend most money in a house, a property or business at some point in the future to eventually return for vacations, retirement or to allow their children to spend time in DR and connect to their roots. As described by Joseph Itzigsolm, "The dream of return is very powerful in guiding social behavior of immigrants in the host country. Whether they return to the Dominican Republic or not, many immigrants adjust savings and investment strategies in line with this dream. "(Itzisohn, 2004, pp. 84).
Philanthropy Organizations Transnational Migrant Dominicans
addition to paying the economic demands of daily life in Switzerland and help provide for the basic needs of their families at home, a significant number of Dominicans in Switzerland is also engaged in various forms of transnational philanthropy. In interviews with migrants, more than half said they made some contribution to community projects in their country of origin. Schools, churches, retirement homes and hospitals have received equipment, materials and cash for needed repairs. Families living in extreme poverty have received clothing, food, medicine and school uniforms. The cash contributions have been made to nonprofit organizations, local caregivers with AIDS or to help with emergency relief efforts after hurricanes, floods and other natural disasters. Apart from these individual philanthropic contributions, almost all respondents (88%) expressed interest in contributing to broader sustainable development initiatives based in communities in their country of origin, sometimes referred to as "collective remittances."
A crucial component of successful development transnational work is the presence and quality of local institutions in both countries senders and receivers who can facilitate this work. Migrant associations supplement this role in host countries, promote exchanges social and support the development of small-scale collective sending donations as a form of economic aid to their homelands. (Orozco, 2000) In most cases, these associations are associated with local government agencies and community organizations in the country of origin to finance, plan and implement local development projects.
In Switzerland, several Dominican organizations across the country, which may be future agents of transnational development. The Dominican Association of Switzerland (ADES) and the Union of Dominicans in Switzerland (UDES) claim a combined membership of more than 1.000 Dominican Republic (as). ADES is the first Dominican Association Switzerland was formed 10 years ago in Geneva. Several years later, the organization expanded to include a second chapter to Bern. In 2001, a third group was formed in Zurich. The infighting among the leaders of regional groups led to a fragmentation of the association in 2003 and the formation of the Union of Dominicans, "UDES in Zurich, which has grown to become the largest and most active of the three associations.
While each association operates independently, each headed by a charismatic leader, the three groups aspire to carry out more or less the same work for the benefit of the population Dominican. Socio-cultural activities are predominant and unifying the membership on special days of the year. These casual gatherings are the only time the community gathers in large numbers to enjoy some Dominican food, drink and music in the company of his countrymen. The associations also seek to organize activities to help preserve the Dominican culture and identity, especially among the (as) Dominicans (as) younger. These are initiatives to help (as) Dominicans (as) in the orientation and integration process in Switzerland, attempts to generate positive press coverage on the community, and efforts to that the needs of the (as) Dominicans (as) are taken into account in the formation and evolution of Swiss policy. The groups also provide assistance in times of crisis, such as organizing the funeral and repatriation of bodies in cases of death or assistance Dominicans who are arrested (as) or arrested (as). Transnational philanthropic purposes have also become a tradition among the groups. Through funds raised at special events and through small membership fees, the groups support a variety of emergency relief projects and outreach in the DR. Traffic
Women for Prostitution
traffic Dominican men and women for prostitution in Switzerland is an important example of transnational practice which notes the presence of social networks and their influence on transnational patterns, the behavior of migrants and the establishment of institutions to do business with this business.
found in people interviewed in Switzerland and in Santo Domingo (women who have returned) the presence of women trafficking networks to Switzerland which operate on both sides. One of the women interviewed emphasized that it "helped" women to come to Switzerland and were charged for that "support." She stresses that has several ways to "help people to go to Switzerland as: (1) Get Swiss men who marry women from the Dominican and we will send invitations to get your visa, (2) Establish relationships with bar owners to contracts women to work as dancers, (3) offers her home as a residence for a period until women collide.
also found in other women interviewed in Santo Domingo these networks where even one of them emphasized that his sister worked in a "Night Club" in Switzerland, where the employer was "friend" of his sister and made her dancer contracts for Girls community of origin of these women. This Mrs. reports that about 15 cousins, nieces and relatives of those in their community have gone to Switzerland to work as dancers to these contracts. Many of them return when the contract expires and wait to be hired again.
Just as there is this traffic contracts and arranged marriage, we also found trafficking of women with false papers and bogus contracts. Several women we interviewed in the Dominican Republic who have returned from Switzerland are deported by immigration agents and others by deception have to return because they can not settle there. Find cases of women who have gone to Switzerland through these trafficking networks and then to engage in prostitution in Switzerland, returning to the Dominican Republic and continue engaging in prostitution.
The significant weight of the traffic in women and prostitution among Dominican Republic and Switzerland has led to processes of NGO's assistance in Switzerland and the Dominican Republic women who are its victims. This practice has generated serious transnational criticism of the media in Switzerland, directly and indirectly affects the image of the Dominican community in this country.
Part IV:
Puerto Rico ........................ 6.7 %................................... $ 154 million 6.1 %..............
Spain .............................. ......................$ 140 million
Italy ............. ................................ 3.1% .......................$ 71 million Swiss
....................... ........ 1.1% ....................................$
Another 25 million ................................ ................ 4.5%
...................$ 104 million
In 2004, the report of the Inter-American Development Bank, remittances to the Dominican Republic were $ 2.7 billion reflecting a significant growth in remittance flows from Europe. (IADB, 2004). More specifically the report shows that in 2004, 30% of remittances sent to DR, a total of $ 815 million, comes from Europe, indicating a remarkable leap in remittance flows to the region. . We
historical analysis of the specific case of growth of remittances from Switzerland Dominican Remittances from Switzerland began with the first wave of Dominican migrants (as) in the 1980s, but the formal remittance business intertwining Switzerland and the Dominican Republic was not established until the 1990s when a Dominican man of La Vega started the first company of remittances in Zurich. In 2001, Western Union, together with the postal and railway company in Switzerland, began more expanded services for remittances (as) Dominicans (as) living in Switzerland. That same year, a small local utility company phone entered the Swiss market for remittances in Zurich, offering affordable rates and on-site still live in the Dominican Republic. This combination of affordability and home insurance service quickly made them a popular choice for shippers Dominicans in Switzerland.
Data collected from 45 Dominicans in Switzerland, as well as officers of remittance companies in Zurich and Santo Domingo, helped build an initial profile of remittance patterns of Switzerland to the Dominican Republic. 69% of those interviewed knew of sending remittances to family members in the DR, either on a monthly basis and / or for emergencies or times special or the beginning of a new school. Among all (as) the (as) senders, the majority (70%) are women, reflecting the current gender balance of the Dominican population in Switzerland.
Perhaps the most significant and important on remittances from Switzerland is its size. The interview data show that (as) Dominicans (as) individually sent an average of 500 CHF (approximately U.S. $ 400) to their country each month. A Swiss owned company that average remittances placed even higher, at 700 CHF (approximately U.S. $ 550). In either case, these figures indicate that average monthly remittances of Dominicans in Switzerland is higher than those sent by Dominicans (ren) living elsewhere in the world. The reasons for these high figures may include: high wages, stable employment, and / or the growing strength of the Swiss franc. The strength of these flows is also reflected in the fact that Switzerland is the fifth largest sender of remittances in the world after the United States, Saudi Arabia, Germany and Belgium. (Prudential, 2004)
Remittances from Switzerland to the Dominican Republic most commonly come to the capital city, San Cristobal, Santiago and La Vega, the same areas that have been found as major senders regions linked to migration Switzerland. Los (as) receptors (as) are most often the mother of migrants, although (as) brothers (as) and (as) children (as) are also receivers (as) very common. 60% of respondents stated that the receiver (a) remittances live exclusively on remittances, with most cases being dependent on remittances from migrant mothers or children (as) left in RD
Similar
the majority of referral patterns, Dominican remittances from Switzerland are more commonly used to buy food for the family. Medication and health care costs are also frequently reported, followed by a variety of household expenses such as water, electricity, telephone or rental, as well as gasoline and school supplies for the (as) children (as). As remittances are used mostly for basic needs, not surprising that only 17% of respondents who gave accounts of some of its transmission is used as a source of savings for their relatives.
When asked what they would do with your cash if needed remittance sent home, the vast majority of migrants said they would save money or invest in a home, land or business in the Dominican Republic. In fact, 30% reported as an investment and among others, plans to spend most money in a house, a property or business at some point in the future to eventually return for vacations, retirement or to allow their children to spend time in DR and connect to their roots. As described by Joseph Itzigsolm, "The dream of return is very powerful in guiding social behavior of immigrants in the host country. Whether they return to the Dominican Republic or not, many immigrants adjust savings and investment strategies in line with this dream. "(Itzisohn, 2004, pp. 84).
Philanthropy Organizations Transnational Migrant Dominicans
addition to paying the economic demands of daily life in Switzerland and help provide for the basic needs of their families at home, a significant number of Dominicans in Switzerland is also engaged in various forms of transnational philanthropy. In interviews with migrants, more than half said they made some contribution to community projects in their country of origin. Schools, churches, retirement homes and hospitals have received equipment, materials and cash for needed repairs. Families living in extreme poverty have received clothing, food, medicine and school uniforms. The cash contributions have been made to nonprofit organizations, local caregivers with AIDS or to help with emergency relief efforts after hurricanes, floods and other natural disasters. Apart from these individual philanthropic contributions, almost all respondents (88%) expressed interest in contributing to broader sustainable development initiatives based in communities in their country of origin, sometimes referred to as "collective remittances."
A crucial component of successful development transnational work is the presence and quality of local institutions in both countries senders and receivers who can facilitate this work. Migrant associations supplement this role in host countries, promote exchanges social and support the development of small-scale collective sending donations as a form of economic aid to their homelands. (Orozco, 2000) In most cases, these associations are associated with local government agencies and community organizations in the country of origin to finance, plan and implement local development projects.
In Switzerland, several Dominican organizations across the country, which may be future agents of transnational development. The Dominican Association of Switzerland (ADES) and the Union of Dominicans in Switzerland (UDES) claim a combined membership of more than 1.000 Dominican Republic (as). ADES is the first Dominican Association Switzerland was formed 10 years ago in Geneva. Several years later, the organization expanded to include a second chapter to Bern. In 2001, a third group was formed in Zurich. The infighting among the leaders of regional groups led to a fragmentation of the association in 2003 and the formation of the Union of Dominicans, "UDES in Zurich, which has grown to become the largest and most active of the three associations.
While each association operates independently, each headed by a charismatic leader, the three groups aspire to carry out more or less the same work for the benefit of the population Dominican. Socio-cultural activities are predominant and unifying the membership on special days of the year. These casual gatherings are the only time the community gathers in large numbers to enjoy some Dominican food, drink and music in the company of his countrymen. The associations also seek to organize activities to help preserve the Dominican culture and identity, especially among the (as) Dominicans (as) younger. These are initiatives to help (as) Dominicans (as) in the orientation and integration process in Switzerland, attempts to generate positive press coverage on the community, and efforts to that the needs of the (as) Dominicans (as) are taken into account in the formation and evolution of Swiss policy. The groups also provide assistance in times of crisis, such as organizing the funeral and repatriation of bodies in cases of death or assistance Dominicans who are arrested (as) or arrested (as). Transnational philanthropic purposes have also become a tradition among the groups. Through funds raised at special events and through small membership fees, the groups support a variety of emergency relief projects and outreach in the DR. Traffic
Women for Prostitution
traffic Dominican men and women for prostitution in Switzerland is an important example of transnational practice which notes the presence of social networks and their influence on transnational patterns, the behavior of migrants and the establishment of institutions to do business with this business.
found in people interviewed in Switzerland and in Santo Domingo (women who have returned) the presence of women trafficking networks to Switzerland which operate on both sides. One of the women interviewed emphasized that it "helped" women to come to Switzerland and were charged for that "support." She stresses that has several ways to "help people to go to Switzerland as: (1) Get Swiss men who marry women from the Dominican and we will send invitations to get your visa, (2) Establish relationships with bar owners to contracts women to work as dancers, (3) offers her home as a residence for a period until women collide.
also found in other women interviewed in Santo Domingo these networks where even one of them emphasized that his sister worked in a "Night Club" in Switzerland, where the employer was "friend" of his sister and made her dancer contracts for Girls community of origin of these women. This Mrs. reports that about 15 cousins, nieces and relatives of those in their community have gone to Switzerland to work as dancers to these contracts. Many of them return when the contract expires and wait to be hired again.
Just as there is this traffic contracts and arranged marriage, we also found trafficking of women with false papers and bogus contracts. Several women we interviewed in the Dominican Republic who have returned from Switzerland are deported by immigration agents and others by deception have to return because they can not settle there. Find cases of women who have gone to Switzerland through these trafficking networks and then to engage in prostitution in Switzerland, returning to the Dominican Republic and continue engaging in prostitution.
The significant weight of the traffic in women and prostitution among Dominican Republic and Switzerland has led to processes of NGO's assistance in Switzerland and the Dominican Republic women who are its victims. This practice has generated serious transnational criticism of the media in Switzerland, directly and indirectly affects the image of the Dominican community in this country.
Part IV:
phasing IDENTITY AND TRANSFORMATION OF
Running parallel to all these transnational practices is the progressive incorporation of Dominican migrants (as) in Swiss society. Taking the term "integration" mean "individual participation in social and economic structure of society" (Bolzman, 1997), we measure the progressive integration of Dominicans (as) to the Swiss company using indicators such as language, work, legal status, friendships, social networks, and future plans. Using this approach, data collected through interviews with Dominican migrants (as) reveal the following patterns of incorporation and the relationship between the progressive integration and transformation of identity:
The experience of incorporation of the first generation of Dominican migrants (as) in Swiss society can be categorized into three phases - Fragile, functional and integrated. Most emigrants began their integration process into the first category "fragile." At this stage, migrants rely exclusively on social networks Dominican for the attendance of socialization and employment, using the English language skills and nonverbal communication to navigate their environment. Interaction with Swiss people, institutions and society in general is minimal, due largely to be free of local language skills and lack of understanding of practices of the dominant society. Most migrants in this phase are adamant in his plans to return to DR as quickly as possible and convey a sense of identity only Dominican.
Marriage and the laws of family reunification more commonly migrants move into the second category "Functional" with the acquisition of stable legal status and access to formal employment and more stable. Some migrants in this stage to combine informal work in formal employment, but most achieved a modest level of financial stability and regularity in their work lives. Maintaining two jobs is not unusual. The economic integration in Swiss company however it is not accompanied by the same level of social inclusion at this stage, but rather, a high level of social marginalization. The long hours of work leave very little time to socialize or participate in more formal structures or institutions, and consequently, migrants at this stage have very few close friends. Dominican participation in associations help to counterbalance the social isolation as well as regular contact with family and friends in the DR. Over time, the acquisition of legal and economic stability overwhelms the future plans of the people and most of the migrants express confusion or lack of commitment on whether return and when their country of origin. They also express a sense of identity confusion, often saying that they feel like an outsider in both contexts of both the Swiss and the Dominican Republic.
These observations corroborate the theories of Swiss sociologists and Rosita Claudio Bolzman Fibbi about Swiss immigration policy, arguing that it favors a model incorporating first-generation immigrants in the host society below the margin of citizenship that is characterized by recognition of the economic role that immigrants play in the Swiss society, while at the same time, there is little effort to facilitate insertion the social, political and cultural of the host society, leaving the migrants themselves efforts to find the track. At the same time, the "New Immigration Act" introduced in Switzerland in February 2005 while trying to more strictly regulate the activity illegal immigration and non-European states also improved integration as a central goal of the Swiss government. Is also expressed in the intentions of the Swiss Federal Office for Immigration, Integration and Emigration.
However, until now, the integration of Dominican migrants (as) in the Swiss society has been the result of individual efforts. For the small number of Dominicans have managed to move into the third category, composed, the data show obvious differences in their social lives. At this level, the migrants have become citizens (as) F (as) or permanent residence. Their jobs and incomes are greatly expanded, and many (as) assume managerial positions and qualified to practice a profession or starting their own business. Fluency in the local language contributes to the creation of a large circle of friends from diverse backgrounds, including many Swiss friends. Moreover, as most Dominicans (as) in this phase have lived for a period of extended time in Switzerland, they understand social norms, values and practices of the dominant society and have experience with local institutions and systems. Consequently, they are involved (as) in a variety of activities formally organized and enjoy active social lives. At the same time, participation in associations Dominican remains high where they offer the rest of the Dominican population precious cultural fluency in the Swiss context.
Once they reach this level of deep integration, most / the Dominicans (as) expressed intentions clear to stay in Switzerland, considering a return to DR only for retirement or after their children complete their education. Having a Swiss husband and / or children (as) with Swiss nationality, particularly if those (as) child (ren) were born in Switzerland, further reduces the likelihood of an eventual return. Moreover, members of this group are active investors in their country of origin - buying a vacation home, business or apartments to be used as rental properties - a result of its improved financial situation and perhaps a compromise to allow the dream of permanent return. Its social and economic situation is greatly improved also expressed in a clear and confident sense of double belonging, with many people articulating a sense of being at home in Switzerland and in RD, or a widening identity.
"In both the USA and Europe, the progressive integration of immigrant communities in host societies has not led to the disappearance of the community but rather its transformation," (Bolzman, collective identity) this is certainly the case with the Dominicans and Dominicans in Switzerland. Conversations with dozens of migrants show clear patterns of progressive integration and transformation of identity that cross the vast array of individual experiences in the host society. For (as) Dominicans (as) in Switzerland, the social and economic integration usually does not lead to the loss of cultural identity, but rather the emergence of a plural identity that accommodates their growing cultural fluency in Swiss society and at the same time, allows the maintenance of their Dominican identity, constantly rejuvenated by the vast array of transnational practices that conserve these (as) Dominican migrants (as) linked (as) active in the country . CONCLUSION
25 years of Dominican migration to Switzerland has led to the establishment of a population of about 8,000 women and men, the third largest group of the Dominican diaspora in Europe. Family, social networks and traffic linking the two countries. The process of arrival of the migrant population in Switzerland to work was the exotic dance, married couples with Swiss citizens and / or through family members already established in the country. Once in Switzerland, this group of Dominicans migrants has shown to be active and generous sender of remittances, thereby contributing greatly to swell the transfer of migrants from Europe in recent years. Their transnational links have provided numerous personal and corporate philanthropic activities in support of their homeland as well as to strengthen the networks of trafficking for prostitution. Their presence, struggles and successes have required the establishment of new institutions and policies that have controlled the illegal behavior that have arisen. Integration as a social group and transfer money to their country of origin facilitates the emergence of various associations of Dominican migrants (as).
If these trends continue, the future Dominican migration to Switzerland will be limited to cases of family reunification and further strengthen the marriage market. The decline in demand for exotic dancing Dominican in Zurich, the pressure on the traffickers and the increasingly restrictive measures against possible illegal entries, also the insurmountable requirements for obtaining a tourist visa will contribute to the increasing decline of this migration . What remain in a small community of migrants settled with an increasingly fast-growing second generation. Must take place new policies and social assistance to support this group to access a wider labor market, to develop skills more fluent in the language and integrate into the social and cultural life of their host country. To achieve these priorities will require involvement and support of Swiss institutions.
Returning to the place of origin, the Dominican Republic, this small but significant and influential diaspora has a strong impact on the national economy. The increasing stability and financial strength of the Dominican population in Switzerland alert for new efforts to be developed by national government create new opportunities (as) migrants to invest in the various fields of local and / or national level. These schemes can provide (as) migrants the possibility of turning their new economic status for the whole country benefits. Efforts to draw the return of the (as) migrants and their families to the island as tourists or to invest in new businesses or real estate can also promote the economic impact of this diaspora. In fact some of these changes seem to be just around the corner. The recent announcement of the first Dominican Consulate scheduled to open in Zurich in 2005 with future leadership has engendered a highly publicized debate in the press Swiss in the Dominican Republic and the first visit by a Dominican presidential candidate to Switzerland in 2004 during his campaign, are clear signs of the growing importance of the Dominican-Swiss diaspora political leaders in Santo Domingo, which take into account increasingly supported by the Dominicans and Dominicans abroad and recognize the positive and critical impact of this diaspora in the country.
Running parallel to all these transnational practices is the progressive incorporation of Dominican migrants (as) in Swiss society. Taking the term "integration" mean "individual participation in social and economic structure of society" (Bolzman, 1997), we measure the progressive integration of Dominicans (as) to the Swiss company using indicators such as language, work, legal status, friendships, social networks, and future plans. Using this approach, data collected through interviews with Dominican migrants (as) reveal the following patterns of incorporation and the relationship between the progressive integration and transformation of identity:
The experience of incorporation of the first generation of Dominican migrants (as) in Swiss society can be categorized into three phases - Fragile, functional and integrated. Most emigrants began their integration process into the first category "fragile." At this stage, migrants rely exclusively on social networks Dominican for the attendance of socialization and employment, using the English language skills and nonverbal communication to navigate their environment. Interaction with Swiss people, institutions and society in general is minimal, due largely to be free of local language skills and lack of understanding of practices of the dominant society. Most migrants in this phase are adamant in his plans to return to DR as quickly as possible and convey a sense of identity only Dominican.
Marriage and the laws of family reunification more commonly migrants move into the second category "Functional" with the acquisition of stable legal status and access to formal employment and more stable. Some migrants in this stage to combine informal work in formal employment, but most achieved a modest level of financial stability and regularity in their work lives. Maintaining two jobs is not unusual. The economic integration in Swiss company however it is not accompanied by the same level of social inclusion at this stage, but rather, a high level of social marginalization. The long hours of work leave very little time to socialize or participate in more formal structures or institutions, and consequently, migrants at this stage have very few close friends. Dominican participation in associations help to counterbalance the social isolation as well as regular contact with family and friends in the DR. Over time, the acquisition of legal and economic stability overwhelms the future plans of the people and most of the migrants express confusion or lack of commitment on whether return and when their country of origin. They also express a sense of identity confusion, often saying that they feel like an outsider in both contexts of both the Swiss and the Dominican Republic.
These observations corroborate the theories of Swiss sociologists and Rosita Claudio Bolzman Fibbi about Swiss immigration policy, arguing that it favors a model incorporating first-generation immigrants in the host society below the margin of citizenship that is characterized by recognition of the economic role that immigrants play in the Swiss society, while at the same time, there is little effort to facilitate insertion the social, political and cultural of the host society, leaving the migrants themselves efforts to find the track. At the same time, the "New Immigration Act" introduced in Switzerland in February 2005 while trying to more strictly regulate the activity illegal immigration and non-European states also improved integration as a central goal of the Swiss government. Is also expressed in the intentions of the Swiss Federal Office for Immigration, Integration and Emigration.
However, until now, the integration of Dominican migrants (as) in the Swiss society has been the result of individual efforts. For the small number of Dominicans have managed to move into the third category, composed, the data show obvious differences in their social lives. At this level, the migrants have become citizens (as) F (as) or permanent residence. Their jobs and incomes are greatly expanded, and many (as) assume managerial positions and qualified to practice a profession or starting their own business. Fluency in the local language contributes to the creation of a large circle of friends from diverse backgrounds, including many Swiss friends. Moreover, as most Dominicans (as) in this phase have lived for a period of extended time in Switzerland, they understand social norms, values and practices of the dominant society and have experience with local institutions and systems. Consequently, they are involved (as) in a variety of activities formally organized and enjoy active social lives. At the same time, participation in associations Dominican remains high where they offer the rest of the Dominican population precious cultural fluency in the Swiss context.
Once they reach this level of deep integration, most / the Dominicans (as) expressed intentions clear to stay in Switzerland, considering a return to DR only for retirement or after their children complete their education. Having a Swiss husband and / or children (as) with Swiss nationality, particularly if those (as) child (ren) were born in Switzerland, further reduces the likelihood of an eventual return. Moreover, members of this group are active investors in their country of origin - buying a vacation home, business or apartments to be used as rental properties - a result of its improved financial situation and perhaps a compromise to allow the dream of permanent return. Its social and economic situation is greatly improved also expressed in a clear and confident sense of double belonging, with many people articulating a sense of being at home in Switzerland and in RD, or a widening identity.
"In both the USA and Europe, the progressive integration of immigrant communities in host societies has not led to the disappearance of the community but rather its transformation," (Bolzman, collective identity) this is certainly the case with the Dominicans and Dominicans in Switzerland. Conversations with dozens of migrants show clear patterns of progressive integration and transformation of identity that cross the vast array of individual experiences in the host society. For (as) Dominicans (as) in Switzerland, the social and economic integration usually does not lead to the loss of cultural identity, but rather the emergence of a plural identity that accommodates their growing cultural fluency in Swiss society and at the same time, allows the maintenance of their Dominican identity, constantly rejuvenated by the vast array of transnational practices that conserve these (as) Dominican migrants (as) linked (as) active in the country . CONCLUSION
25 years of Dominican migration to Switzerland has led to the establishment of a population of about 8,000 women and men, the third largest group of the Dominican diaspora in Europe. Family, social networks and traffic linking the two countries. The process of arrival of the migrant population in Switzerland to work was the exotic dance, married couples with Swiss citizens and / or through family members already established in the country. Once in Switzerland, this group of Dominicans migrants has shown to be active and generous sender of remittances, thereby contributing greatly to swell the transfer of migrants from Europe in recent years. Their transnational links have provided numerous personal and corporate philanthropic activities in support of their homeland as well as to strengthen the networks of trafficking for prostitution. Their presence, struggles and successes have required the establishment of new institutions and policies that have controlled the illegal behavior that have arisen. Integration as a social group and transfer money to their country of origin facilitates the emergence of various associations of Dominican migrants (as).
If these trends continue, the future Dominican migration to Switzerland will be limited to cases of family reunification and further strengthen the marriage market. The decline in demand for exotic dancing Dominican in Zurich, the pressure on the traffickers and the increasingly restrictive measures against possible illegal entries, also the insurmountable requirements for obtaining a tourist visa will contribute to the increasing decline of this migration . What remain in a small community of migrants settled with an increasingly fast-growing second generation. Must take place new policies and social assistance to support this group to access a wider labor market, to develop skills more fluent in the language and integrate into the social and cultural life of their host country. To achieve these priorities will require involvement and support of Swiss institutions.
Returning to the place of origin, the Dominican Republic, this small but significant and influential diaspora has a strong impact on the national economy. The increasing stability and financial strength of the Dominican population in Switzerland alert for new efforts to be developed by national government create new opportunities (as) migrants to invest in the various fields of local and / or national level. These schemes can provide (as) migrants the possibility of turning their new economic status for the whole country benefits. Efforts to draw the return of the (as) migrants and their families to the island as tourists or to invest in new businesses or real estate can also promote the economic impact of this diaspora. In fact some of these changes seem to be just around the corner. The recent announcement of the first Dominican Consulate scheduled to open in Zurich in 2005 with future leadership has engendered a highly publicized debate in the press Swiss in the Dominican Republic and the first visit by a Dominican presidential candidate to Switzerland in 2004 during his campaign, are clear signs of the growing importance of the Dominican-Swiss diaspora political leaders in Santo Domingo, which take into account increasingly supported by the Dominicans and Dominicans abroad and recognize the positive and critical impact of this diaspora in the country.
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